TEST CASE
Immigration Crackdown
Targets Bosses This Time
Fake Papers and a Spy
Foiled IFCO Managers;
'César' Wore a Wire
By BARRY NEWMAN February 27, 2007; Page A1
GUILDERLAND, N.Y. -- Early in April of 2005, a man
whose friends knew him as César went looking for a job at a wholesale
distribution hub near this upstate village. At a workshop run by IFCO
Systems North America Inc., the nation's biggest recycler of wooden
pallets, César let the boss know that he was in the country illegally,
but would be trying to buy some fake "papers."
RELATED READING
See the complaint filed by Immigration and Customs Enforcement against IFCO managers.
"That will work," said Robert Belvin, the 42-year old IFCO site manager.
What Mr. Belvin didn't know was that César was an
undercover informant working for federal immigration enforcers. Or that
he was wearing a wire.
The conversation -- and many others César recorded --
helped build a case that is the biggest test so far of a heavily touted
government campaign to control illegal immigration.
A year after César went to work, agents from the
Immigration and Customs Enforcement bureau pounced on 52 IFCO workshops
in 26 states, arresting 1,187 foreigners. Unlike raids on many other
companies -- including December's arrests of 1,282 workers at Swift
& Co. -- the motivation for the raid on IFCO wasn't to catch
foreigners. It was to catch the Americans who hired them. Seven IFCO
middle managers were also arrested that day and charged, in identically
worded complaints, under the same felony statute that punishes human
smuggling. Five of them, people familiar with the case say, are
expected to plead guilty today in the U.S. District Court for the
Northern District of New York.
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Neither the company nor its top executives were named
in the complaints, which allege that the managers "knowingly conspired
with others" to transport, harbor and support undocumented workers for
"commercial advantage or private financial gain." But the investigation
isn't closed. Like any ICE operation today, one immigration official
says, the objective is "to move up in the organization."
In 2005, the Department of Homeland Security announced
that instead of imposing small fines for sloppy paperwork, its
immigration-enforcement branch would flush out "egregious" employers
and put them in jail. That demands proof and police work -- including
undercover informants and secret recordings -- more common to drug
busts than immigration audits.
• The Issue: Officials are targeting employers for their role in hiring undocumented workers.
• The Challenge: Nabbing offenders requires intensive law-enforcement efforts more common to drug busts.
• The Bottom Line: More cases are likely, as immigration officials take a more aggressive stance against undocumented workers.
Since ICE's creation in 2003, employer arrests have
leapt from 25 in 2002 to 718 in 2006. Only last week, ICE arrested
three executives of a Nevada-based janitorial service with national
reach. But successful prosecutions have so far largely been limited to
smaller labor contractors, restaurant owners, and a company putting up
a fence on the Mexican border.
IFCO's parent, IFCO Systems NV, by contrast, has
world-wide sales of nearly $650 million. Registered in Holland and
managed out of Houston and Munich, it promotes itself as a smoothly run
system, listing Target Corp., Cargill Inc. and Dell
Inc. among many corporate customers. Repairing pallets -- the rough
frames that carry goods from factory to warehouse -- is tough work. Up
until last April, most IFCO pallet workers were Hispanic.
It was easy for ICE to swoop down on those working
illegally. To accuse their bosses of a conspiracy, punishable by prison
terms of up to 20 years, was a far greater task. The clues ICE
collected, as disclosed in the complaints filed in federal court in
Albany, resulted from a combination of lucky tips and accidents. The
evidence was backed up by local police work, aggressive surveillance,
and the unusual involvement of the Social Security Administration.
IFCO maintains that nothing points to illegal
immigration as part of its formal business model. "We deeply regret
that we had even a single ineligible worker on our payroll," the
company said in a written statement. The company declined to comment
further on the case.
The government claims that the immigration status of
more than half of IFCO's 5,800 workers in the U.S. was suspect. It is
unclear whether the U.S. Attorney in Albany, who is supervising the
case, will bring charges against higher-level IFCO executives.
Still, the government's intrusive new style has
petrified other companies that rely on foreign labor. "Everybody thinks
these are show trials," says Amy Peck, an immigration lawyer in
Colorado who represents corporate clients. "And at the same time, we're
scared to death about what's going on."
The IFCO evidence, she and other lawyers acknowledge,
appears to pull back the curtain of "plausible deniability" that
effectively allows six million foreigners to work illegally in the U.S.
To avoid discriminating, employers have argued for 20 years, they can't
turn away candidates whose papers seem to be genuine. But at one
upstate work site, the IFCO complaints allege, that was disingenuous.
The first hint came three months before César applied
for a job, when the phone rang at the ICE office in Latham, 10 miles
from here. The caller said he worked for IFCO, and said he saw some
Spanish-speaking co-workers tearing up their W-2 tax forms. That made
the immigration enforcers at ICE very curious: Why would anyone tear up
a W-2?
The IFCO worker who phoned said that one of his bosses
told him the men didn't need W-2s because they didn't file tax returns.
"That's not something you hear every day," says Julie Myers, the DHS
assistant secretary who heads ICE. Her agents decided IFCO was worth
watching.
Toward the end of the month, a few IFCO workers were
relaxing at the Governor's Inn, a motel near the pallet shop. "They
like to drink," a Honduran named Reynaldo says now. "They went to the
store to get more beer." (A forklift driver arrested in the raid, he
has remained in the area and asked that his full name not be used.) As
four men returned to the motel in a Chevrolet, the Guilderland police
say, they crashed into a Subaru. Two young women were slightly hurt.
The Chevy's driver jumped out and ran.
The police found the other three men in the motel. Mr.
Belvin, the manager of IFCO's operation, arrived and went with his
workers to the police station. All three, the police told Mr. Belvin,
had admitted being in the country illegally. Mr. Belvin said that was
untrue and that he had the documents to prove it. Mr. Belvin's lawyer
didn't respond to phone messages seeking comment.
Then, in an unrelated incident in March, a woman
called the police to say she had been attacked in a garage by a
Hispanic man. An officer sent to the scene found no suspects. But he
did interview six men at a nearby house in connection with the woman's
complaint. The men all said they worked for IFCO. The police, recalling
IFCO's connection to the earlier accident, notified ICE. Senior
inspector John Tashjian said, "If there's any suspicion they're
undocumented, we do that."
Responding, ICE agents found five men who didn't
belong in the country and arrested them. In sworn statements, a
Honduran said he didn't show any documents when IFCO hired him and a
Salvadoran said he was told "that papers would be provided to him
later."
It wasn't long before ICE decided to plant its spy.
"I have never heard of that being done in an
immigration work-site enforcement action, never," says Paul Zulkie, an
attorney who advises corporations on immigration policies and is also
president of the American Immigration Law Foundation.
But ICE's orientation has changed. Many of its agents
came out of the former Customs Service, which enforced import and
export regulations. For them, getting evidence to prove that managers
know full well that documents are fake means peeking behind the
paperwork.
According to the complaints, ICE's informant had
himself been arrested by the Border Patrol for entering the country
illegally. After he assisted ICE in a human-smuggling case in Texas,
the agency gave him temporary leave to remain in the U.S. -- plus a
stipend -- in exchange for his cooperation to help with the IFCO
investigation. In April, the complaints say, he introduced himself to
some IFCO workers at a grocery.
The informant isn't cited by name in the complaint.
But piecing together bits of information, former IFCO workers say they
knew him as César, a Portuguese-speaking forklift driver.
The complaints detail how he ultimately got his fake
green card and fake Social Security card directly from ICE. The name on
the Social Security card wasn't the one he had given IFCO. Nor was the
name on the green card. The picture, say the complaints, was of someone
else. César showed the documents to Mr. Belvin's boss, James Rice.
Mr. Rice, then 35 years old, was a development manager
who had come to open the Guilderland operation the previous October.
But because it was a start-up, people close to the company say, its
managers were having a hard time finding workers. Looking at the photo
on the fake green card while César recorded him, Mr. Rice said, "It
looks like you to me." Mr. Rice's lawyer had no comment.
Once hired, César did more at IFCO than drive a
forklift. At Mr. Belvin's request and with assistance from ICE, the
complaints say, he helped recruit more illegal workers. He got phony
documents for five other new hires and he phoned an IFCO manager in
Houston to ask about jobs here for two Mexicans who had crossed the
border.
In July, César was promoted to foreman.
Already well along in its work, ICE opened a second line of inquiry into IFCO: It enlisted the Social Security Administration.
When numbers on tax returns don't match numbers on its
books, Social Security tells employers by letter. A "no-match" can have
many explanations, but to ICE it's a red flag of illegal immigration.
Yet privacy law bans Social Security from showing ICE its data.
Companies do volunteer for audits in return for shelter from raids, and
they can check Social Security numbers of new hires themselves. IFCO
didn't volunteer for such programs. But the sanctity of its records
vanished the moment its recyclers were seen tearing up W-2s.
Destroying the forms was a violation that let Social
Security in on the case. Through a subpoena of IFCO's payroll
processor, says one official, its inspectors learned that 53% of IFCO's
workers in 2005 had dud Social Security numbers. What's more, the
complaints say, they discovered that in 2004 and 2005 IFCO received 13
letters in Houston informing it that "more than 1,000 social-security
numbers" at "several" of its sites "did not match the records of the
SSA."
IFCO didn't follow up on the letters. People familiar
with IFCO's position say an employee set the letters aside unopened,
failed to tell anybody about them, and then left the company for good.
In the fall of 2005, César traveled to an IFCO
start-up in Westborough, Mass., the complaints recount. With Mike Ames,
IFCO's site manager, he visited a bakery where Brazilian day-laborers
gathered. After speaking in Portuguese with a woman there, César
recorded an exchange with Mr. Ames, whose lawyer also didn't respond to
requests for comment.
César said: "They don't have no documents, no papers, no permission to work in the United States."
Mr. Ames replied: "But, you know how to work the
deal...I don't want it to end up where they can't be paid because of
identity, ID, you know what I'm saying."
At least five Brazilians got jobs. Directed by Mr.
Belvin and Mr. Rice, the complaints say, César drove three of them 150
miles to Guilderland "for training."
A few weeks later, Mr. Rice left IFCO. On Jan. 8,
2006, Mr. Belvin was fired. Neither departure, according to people
familiar with the situation, had to do with immigration issues. Soon
afterward, IFCO fired César. Officials won't say where he is now.
On the day of the IFCO raids last April, people
following the case say, ICE agents interviewed dozens more managers
around the country. The court granted ICE permission to search
computers in Guilderland. And, according to the complaints, the federal
Department of Labor also spoke to a former bookkeeper who claimed that
piecework pallet repairmen were being systematically underpaid for
overtime work.
Showing that IFCO broke wage rules could support a
charge that it used illegally hired workers for commercial gain, say
some legal experts. And connections among workers and managers at
several sites could be used to argue -- as the government has in some
other immigration cases -- that what ICE uncovered was no rogue
operation.
IFCO denies the implication. "There was certainly no
corporate strategy to hire undocumented workers or exploit any of our
employees," the company said in a statement. Since the raids, it has
added new payroll screeners and joined the Social Security verification
system. Profits slumped in midyear, but having scoured its records,
IFCO says its labor force is up to strength and is as legal as can be.
Of the workers rounded up in April, many have left the
country or slipped underground. Reynaldo, the Honduran who drove a
forklift for IFCO here, has stayed on in a frame house nearby. The
arrest of his managers at IFCO was news to him.
"That really touches me," the 24-year-old said,
sitting beside a messy bunk bed one evening as other men came and went.
"These are people who offered us opportunities."
"They haven't committed a crime," said a Nicaraguan
named Mario who sat next to him. He is 39, and fixed pallets at IFCO
for 30 cents apiece. "At least," he added, "it's not a crime to me."
Write to Barry Newman at barry.newman@wsj.com |